TESOL Law Journal: January 2006 Vol 1.

January 2006, Volume 1

Title
English for Military Purposes in the Age of Information Technology

Author
Neil McBeath

Bio:
The writer of this paper served for twenty four and a half years (1981 - 2005) as a uniformed education officer in the Royal Air Force of Oman teaching EFL, ESP and English for Military Purposes. He was personally awarded the Distinguished Service Medal by His Majesty Sultan Qaboos. Prior to service in Oman, he worked in British Further Education, teaching English and EFL. He now works in Saudi Arabia, teaching cadets from the Royal Saudi Air Force at the Technical Studies Institute in Dhahran.

Qualifications:-
B.A. (Southampton); Post Graduate Certificate of Education
(Southampton); M. Sc. (Aston); M. App. Ling. (Macquarie).

Abstract.

This paper offers an insider's view of English for Military Purposes (EMP). It suggests that international security concerns have moved away from the Cold War scenario of recognizable enemies facing each other, into a realm where established state forces face more nebulous threats and a growing role as providers of humanitarian assistance. Against this background, there is an increasing need for effective communication between and among multi-national forces, and English has become the channel of that communication. The paper then explores the different approaches to EMP that can be seen in America (the American Language Course) and Britain (the Partnership for Peace). It concludes by suggesting that the impact of information technology will force current providers of EMP to re-examine their methodology.

Key words. English for Military Purposes (EMP), Partnership for Peace, EFL/ESP/EAP/EMP,

Introduction.
This paper is a possibly doomed attempt to look into the future. By examining the changing roles of the Armed Forces at the start of the 21st century, I hope to suggest how those roles are likely to develop in the course of the next 20 years. I also intend to examine the two principal current models of teaching English for Military Purposes (EMP) before demonstrating the extent top which information technology is likely to impact on the materials, the students and the instructors.

Multiskilling
Multiskilling has been with us for some time, but it has acquired a new significance in the post-Cold War World. Woods (2004) cites Zapatista who claims that we are already involved in the Fourth World war. His argument is that after two "hot" wars - World War I and World War II - there was the Cold War which acted as a Third World war. The USA and the Soviet Union fought each other by proxy, frequently using covert approaches to remove or install governments, and sometimes using open methods of war - Korea, Vietnam, Cambodia and Dhofar.

These wars were easily understood, and the part played in them by national armies was obvious, and was intended to be obvious. The Fourth World war is more opaque. It is based on international co-operation, often between states that seem to have little in common, and it is waged against "anti-state" forces - international drug dealers; international "terrorists", however the latter are defined. (Al Qimam Multimedia 2004).

In this climate, multiskilling is a sensible approach. To begin with, it is cost effective. During the Cold war, the USA was able to afford the luxury of having one man do only one job, and at NATO HQ in Brussels, the Americans indulged that luxury. The US Army employed Master Typists - note, NOT clerks - whose only job was to type correspondence. If there was no correspondence to be typed, these men sat idle.

Even American military funding, however, must have a limit, and it is obviously more cost effective to train, say, a computer operator who can employ a range of clerking skills, or avionics technicians who can follow assimilation training and work with Flight Systems, Communications and Radar.

Secondly, multiskilling adds to the professional pride of military personnel. Russia is now almost unique in maintaining a huge, badly disciplined, poorly led conscript army. Their casualties in Chechnya are testimony to this. NATO forces are almost exclusively professional. They are trained to react to different situations, and proud of their own expertise. These forces do not aspire to be anything but the best. They are trained to regard their military service as a challenging role that sets them apart from civilians.

Interoperability.
This leads to what Woods (2004; 27) terms the "jargon word" of interoperability.

Interoperability indicates the ability of military, paramilitary and security forces, from different linguistic and national backgrounds, to work together for a common aim.

Recently, of course, we have seen military-led international relief efforts on a massive scale in the wake of the December 2004 tsunami. The response of certain countries was controversial, and some political pundits were quick to raise suspicions of ulterior motives. The plain fact of the matter, however, is that with the best will in the world, civilian agencies working on their own would have been unable to cope with any natural disaster that killed some 300,000 people in a matter of hours, over so large an area of the globe.

What has also been interesting has been the extent to which international military forces had to liaise with each other and the shortcomings that the tsunami revealed. To begin with, Sri Lanka openly admitted that its own military and security forces were overwhelmed by the scale of the disaster. Within hours, Sri Lankan paramilitary forces had been deployed to dispose of corpses and prevent the spread of disease. After that, American, British, Canadian, Indian and Pakistani forces were dispatched to aid the Sri Lankans, but even this move was controversial. The Canadian authorities were alarmed to find that it took 11 days before their Disaster Assistance Response Team (DART) was able to land supplies in the field. (Hobson 2005)

In Indonesia, moreover, the complete devastation of the civilian infrastructure in Aceh province brought other complications. Outside relief agencies, both civil and military, found that they were arriving in a former war zone, but that there were no remaining local authorities. Liaison was difficult, and the Indonesian military forces were suspicious.

The American forces, in particular, had difficulty grasping the complexities of the situation. One American officer, writing from the aircraft carrier Abraham Lincoln, felt that the role of the Indonesian liaison officers on board was "to encourage our leaving as soon as possible. They want our money and help, but they don't want their population to see that the Americans are doing far more for them in two weeks than their own government has ever done for them." (Sherwell and Gilmore; 2004)

The free Aceh Movement might well agree with those sentiments, but they might also recognize the irony of American troops "saving the lives of their people, some of whom wear Bin Laden T-shirts as they grab at our food and water" (Sherwell and Gilmore; 2004)

And there's the rub. One person's terrorist is another's freedom fighter. The massive international outpouring of funds to help in the tsunami relief programme shows that this type of humanitarian operation enjoys almost universal support. In democratic countries, however, there may be genuine libertarian concerns about the use of government money to stifle (possibly legitimate) dissent, and there may even be disquiet about the spending of public money on the types of covert action that are required to counteract the operations of international criminal organizations.

There is the added difficulty, of course, when criminal organizations become interconnected with government agencies, to the extent that governments themselves become criminal.

In 1998 I gave a paper at the IATEFL SIG Symposium in Gdansk (McBeath 1998; 1999) in which I drew attention to the fact that Jordanian troops were part of the then ECOMOG forces in West Africa, and that at the same time, the UAE had dispatched military assistance to Macedonia, working with civilian refugees from the Kosovo conflict. In both these case, Arab forces were engaged in interoperability, liaising not only with military forces, but also with local government agencies and international non-government agencies like Medecins Sans Frontieres, the Red Crescent and the Red Cross.

In both West Africa and Kosovo, the international community had sanctioned the deployment of multi-national forces because national governments had shown themselves either unable or unwilling to maintain peace. These actions had impacted negatively on the stability of neighbouring countries, and it was in the interest of the global community that some semblance of civil order be restored.

In both instances, moreover, the respiration of civil order depended on effective liaison, and that could only be accomplished through an international language, and that language is English.

Whose English?
At a time when the ownership of English is under increasing scrutiny, and when separate "Englishes" are attested in linguistic literature (Kachru 1986; Collins and Blair 1989; McArthur 1998; Bautista and Bolton 2004) it is interesting that the teaching of English for Military Purposes is still
rooted in only two, and two contrasting, traditions.

Effectively, EMP is taught in different ways by the Americans and by the British. In Britain, the social class base of the officer corps has always been such that at least partial knowledge of a language other than English could be taken for granted. Traditionally, British officer cadets have come from middle, upper-middle class or aristocratic backgrounds, and have entered the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst, or the former Royal Naval Academy at Greenwich from fee-paying, private schools.

This has guaranteed at least limited knowledge of a classical language (Latin, sometimes with Greek) and a modern (European) language. Indeed, in the 19th Century, the introduction of the teaching of modern languages in the English Public Schools was, in part, driven by the demands of the Sandhurst entry examination.

Secondly, the British army has always valued linguistic ability. Officers serving in India were encouraged to learn Hindustani. Those serving with Gurkha regiments were obliged to learn Gurkhali (Masters; 1956). Swahili was used as a command language in British East Africa (Calvet; 1998). During the Malay Emergency of the 1950's, bonus payments were authorized for officers who had learnt Malay, and at the same time, the Joint Services School for Linguists trained British national servicemen in Russian listening skills, allowing them to monitor Soviet ground-to-air conversations from the listening post of West Berlin. Even today, British officers on secondment to Arab states receive additional allowances for demonstrating a command of Arabic.

In America, by contrast, the tradition of languages for military purposes only dates back to the Second World War. Crawford (1997) quotes Pete King, a republican Member of the House of Representatives as saying "For the first 180 years of our Nation, we were bound together by a common language. Immigrants came to this country knowing that they had to learn English."

This is historical nonsense. Even excluding indigenous Amerindian languages, the USA has no history of monolingualism. Benjamin Franklin, in a letter dated May 9th 1753, objects to the influence of German in Pennsylvania
"Few of their children in the Country learn English; they import Books from Germany; and of the six printing houses in the Province, two are entirely German; two half German half English; and two entirely English; They have one German newspaper and one half German" (Cited in Labaree 1961; 494).

The Louisiana Purchase of 1803 added French speakers to the territory controlled by the USA. The annexation of Las Floridas from Spain in 1831 added the first sizeable number of Spanish speakers. Subsequent gains following the Mexican-American war of 1848 added "a vast territory - including California, Arizona, New Mexico and parts of Colorado - and also approved the prior annexation of Texas. All citizens of Mexico residing within this territory automatically became US citizens, as long as they did not leave the territory within one year of the treaty ratification." (Schmid 2001; 27)

Whether these Spanish speakers became equal citizens of the USA is, however, open to question. Mackey (1983) has pointed out that in the former Mexican territories, boundaries were altered and statehood withheld until a majority of English speakers was assured. California, therefore, became a state in 1850, while Nevada waited until 1864; Colorado until 1876; Utah until 1896 and New Mexico until 1912.

By 1900, moreover, "nativism and antiforeign political sentiment began to surface" (Kersing, Boulware and Foley 1997; 9). Kloss (1977) estimates that at the beginning of the 20th Century, over 6 percent of American primary education was conducted in German. By the end of the First World War, however, anti-German sentiment had produced a climate in which the teaching of any language other than English was deemed unpatriotic.

The decline of language teaching in the inter-war years (Ricento 1996; 132-137) resulted in so serious a lack of military personnel who could read, write, speak or understand even European languages that in December 1942, the Army Specialized Training Program had to be established. By April 1943 it had enrolled 15,000 trainees, and by August 1943 it was offering 19 different courses, some of them in the so-called "exotic" languages of South-East Asia (Spolsky 1995). These courses were remarkable for both the speed of their establishment and for their intensity, with Davies (1996) citing instances of classes that received 10 hours of instruction a day!

In the Post-War world, it was a simple matter for both the British and American training authorities to reduce their intake of students, and add English to the list of courses offered. Indeed, in this respect, the British were better placed to act, having already offered EMP instruction to the Free Czech, Dutch, French, Norwegian and Polish forces at the Combined Services School (Lowe and Lowe; 1965).
As a result, the Army School of Languages at Beaconsfield and the Lackland Air Force Base at San Antonio, Texas, became centres of military English teaching, attracting broadly similar students, but working from different linguistic traditions.

Beaconsfield offers instruction to students from the British Commonwealth, from Europe, and from Arab states such as Bahrain, Jordan, Oman and Qatar, whose ruling families have links with Sandhurst. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, moreover, Beaconsfield had liaised with, and supported, the British Council's Partnership for peace initiatives.

The Lackland Air Force Base also attracts Arab students; primarily from Saudi Arabia, but recently from the UAE and Oman as part of the F-16 programs. Primarily, however, the Lackland Air Force Base's Defense Language Center has been responsible for teaching the American Language Course to personnel from Puerto Rico, South and Central America, South Korea and Japan.

The American Language Course.

The title of this course is significant, but is easily explained. Portes and Rumbaut (1996; 194) state that "In the United States the acquisition of nonaccented English and the dropping of foreign languages is the litmus test of Americanization."

The irony here is that Labov (1966), Dillard (1992) and Lippi-Green (1997) convincingly demonstrate that both class and regional accents survive among American speakers of English, and that they are still very useful to those who wish to discriminate. The ALC, however, ignores this data. The ALC is based on the premise that there is "one best way" (Woods 2004; 28) to teach languages. Doyle (2004; 125) rejects the concept that "one teaching model need be regarded as superior to the other" and that is without considering that the supposed best way is based on the audio-lingual theories that were current in the 1960's.

There is obviously debate about this. The early enthusiasts for the audio-lingual approach made claims for the efficacy of programmed learning (Bung 1970; 1973; 1974) and language laboratories that have been largely disproved by experience.
On the other hand, within its own parameters, the American Language Course works. It is method driven, based on tried and tested techniques and can be assessed against the benchmark American Language Course Placement test (ALCPT). Broadly speaking, students who attend courses at the Defense Language Institute and who plough through the 36 volumes of the ALC, five hours a day, six days a week, will make gains of some 3 percent to 5 percent on their ALCPT scores for every book they finish.

This is quantifiable data. It satisfies many of the stakeholders in the teaching process, and in the present political situation, where the USA is the world's only superpower, there is no need for the DLI to change its approach.

Partnership for Peace.
By contrast, the British Council's Partnership for Peace approach is based on context sensitive ESP. It rejects the idea that there is one best way, and concentrates its attention on the particular needs of the personnel receiving instruction.

More importantly, it takes the instruction to the personnel, and in this respect it is completely different from the ALC. The success rate of the ALC is probably dependent on the instruction being based in Texas. Learning English in an immersion setting partly justifies the amount of time that the ALC devotes to the American Way of Life - a way of life that is based in small town America and which seems to have changed little since the Eisenhower years. Outside America, of course, the inclusion of this type of material justifies Al Ghamdi's (1989) belief that the ALC is culturally insensitive.

The Partnership for Peace, on the other hand, is prepared to tailor materials to the very different requirements of the Hungarian Air Force, or the Rumanian police and Border Guards. In line with the example of Mellor-Clark and Baker de Altamirano's (2004) award winning Campaign; English for the Military the materials are military from the outset, whereas the ALC remains primarily a General English course, onto which some (and not much) military language has been grafted.

One example will suffice. In the American Language Course, Book 26, Pp. 19-20 we are given a dialogue between two, presumably American, officers. In fact, their rank is irrelevant, and they might as well be civilians, as the dialogue is centred on one man's concern for his sick grandmother. The dialogue has been created for the express purpose of presenting some lexis in context. It is clear that students will later be tested on their knowledge of that lexis, but only in the context modeled in the dialogue.

To prepare for this type of test, therefore, both the author and the syllabus accept that there is "one best way". They also collude in the fiction that officers in the American forces engage in a stilted "stage speech", without any of the infelicities that mark authentic dialogue.

Finally, the students are asked to believe that an American military officer, living in an age when hand-held, code scrambled military phones are taken into combat, still communicates with his family members by using the US Mail.

The Impact of IT.
This segues neatly into my final section, on the impact of IT on EFL/ESP/EMP, and there are two issues here. The first concerns availability, and the second the speed of technological change.

In exactly the same way that the audio-lingual lobby made overstated claims for the magic properties of the language laboratory, so the initial claims for Computer Assisted Language Learning (CALL) often oversold the advantages. Unfortunately, early enthusiasts for CALL forgot that many people in the teaching profession were deeply skeptical of another technology-based approach. (McBeath 1994). Having invested heavily in reel-to-reel language laboratories, only to see them replaced by cassette players and CD players, much of their wariness was understandable.

Secondly, many of the CALL programs that were on offer either did little that could not be done with conventional teaching aids or were at too high a level for general use. The first objection remains a problem with in-house CALL materials. Is a multiple choice grammar test greatly enhanced if programmed firework displays celebrate every correct answer? Many would say not.

In the case of the second objections, concordancing programs of the type espoused by Johns' (Al Sahrigy 1989; Johns 1997) turned out to be most effective with advanced level EAP students. Willis and Willis (1998) used the "real English" approach based on the findings of the Collins
COBUILD Project, but they relied on books, not on IT.

Then there was the problem of physically teaching some students how to use the hardware. The computer based TOEFL test actually gives a tutorial before displaying the test items - showing the candidates how to use the mouse, how to scroll up and down the page and how to move from page to page. Even so, the difference in score between those candidates who are computer literate and those who require the tutorial is estimated to be 14 percent (Davidson 2005).

With the passage of time, this problem may begin to disappear. In 2002, the Economist stated that "almost all teachers and pupils have at least one computer at home these days" (October 26th, 2002, P.13). At that time, this was an absurdly optimistic suggestion, even for Great Britain. Only the year before, Carballo-Calero (2001) had stated that for EFL teachers in Spain, regardless of level, Internet access was mostly regarded as a luxury. At the same time, Paran (2002) quoted the case of a student from Venezuela who had no phone line at home and who shared computer access "between thousands of students and staff for an hour or so each day" (P. 7)

More recently, however, The Economist (September 25, 2004, P. 15) reported that the world's largest market for mobile phones was China, and the largest growth area was Africa. There was no suggestion that these were the older, housebrick-sized phones that are illustrated in New Headway Intermediate (Soars and Soars 1996). Second generation mobile phones allow internet access. More importantly, they allow text messaging. The future lies with IT, and access to IT is rapidly spreading downwards through the socioeconomic classes.

This leads us to what Davis (2002/2003; 53) refers to as a "power shift, from the adults to the kids, the true cognoscenti of the new information technologies." In future we will be able to assume that military recruits are IT literate, in the same way that we currently assume that they are print literate at a basic level. This will not mean that they are experts in the use of IT, but they will be functionally literate - they will be able to do a certain number of tasks, and they will not be technophobic.

This will mean, for example, that they will be able to cope with teaching materials like Stirling's (2004) English for telephoning. This is an interactive CD-Rom - note, NOT a book - which has been devised for students of English for Business Purposes (EBP). English for telephoning assumes that its target audience has reasonably fast keyboarding skills, with the result that many of the exercises are really rather too fast for those who have not followed a\basic Business Communications course.

This is interesting, because as with Emmerson's (2004) e-mail English, communication practices in the world of business are actually evolving faster than EBP courses can catch up. In most offices, IT is taken for granted, and used as a matter of routine. In many EBP coursebooks, however, IT is used for illustration, while its impact on writing styles and the development of new genres is ignored (O'Driscoll and Scott-Barrett 1995; Hopkins and Potter 1997; Sweeney 2000; Robbins 2000).

English for Military Purposes cannot afford to wait and then play catch-up. Nor, indeed, are its leading practitioners prepared to do so. Aliksar, Soomere and Woods (2004) report that, as early as 1999, the Partnership for Peace project in Lithuania produced a CD-ROM on Tactical English for Peace Support Operations. They are currently developing another CD-ROM, this time on International Humanitarian Law.

If these materials are effective, then we may be seeing the end of the multi-volume EFL/ESP/EAP/EMP "book based" course. This is a development foreseen by Al Ebraheem (2002/2003; 107) who states "traditional teaching methods will become incompatible with the demands of a knowledge-based economy". He is not alone in this assessment. Bill Gates has openly stated that in the USA, traditional "high schools are obsolete … they were designed 50 years ago to meet the needs of another age. Today, even when they work exactly as designed, our high schools cannot teach our kids what they need to know." (Gates 2005)

In short, for the 21st Century, we must be prepared to teach new things in new ways, and the first steps are already being taken along that path. Computer Adaptive Testing has proved that it can cut down the amount of time required to allocate students to appropriate levels of instruction, as the program reacts to each answer and calibrates the test to the level of ability demonstrated by the candidate.

Under these circumstances, we are not far from the day when we will be able to give the Final examination on the first day of the course, identify students' individual areas of weakness, and tailor materials to their specific needs.

This, then, is the way of the future. Well-motivated, highly trained, professional soldiers have been found to be more effective in battle than mass waves of badly trained conscripts. Creeping artillery barrages are things of the past. IT based surveillance techniques now allow field commanders to pinpoint enemy strong points, and then launch attacks that will have maximum impact.

In the same way, and despite the American Language Course, the use of context specific materials which enjoy high face validity will always be more effective than the one-size-fits-all approach. Armed Forces operate in uniform, but they do not require uniformity in language training.

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